The fighter for peace, Olof Palme’ or the metaphoric construction of meaning in the Polish press of the 1980s

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Małgorzata Fabiszak, Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań

The fighter for peace, Olof Palme’

or the metaphoric construction of meaning in the Polish press of the 1980s

Cognitive metaphors of journey, burden and war prevalent in the Polish press discourse of the 1980s are identified on the basis of a qualitative analysis of three issues of Trybuna Ludu. They act as a foil for a case study of the imagery of the reports on the assassination of Olof Palme. It shows that the dominant discourse practice of the period is difficult to overcome and can lead to a paradoxical tension between the target and source in metaphoric mapping. The paper is concluded with a quantificational analysis reveals that the frequency of some of the expressions assumed to trigger the war metaphor is not at all high in war reports, so that their association with the concept must be based on their use in other genres.

  1. Introduction

The construction of meaning in mass media discourse has attracted attention of linguists working within a number of fields, most notably Critical Discourse Analysis and Cognitive Metaphor Theory. The interbreeding of the two approaches has resulted in a growing number of publications within a newly emerging field variously called Critical Metaphor Analysis (Charteris-Black 2004, Charteris-Black and Musolff 2003), Critical Cognitive Linguistics (Koller 2004) or Cognitive Sociolinguistics (Janicki 2005).

Studies, such as Nerlich (2003, 2005 a and b), have shown that metaphor is a common rhetorical device employed to perform two main functions. One is to serve as a cohesion device, structuring discourse in a particular way, visible especially when metaphors form coherent clusters or chains. In such cases they often facilitate a counterfactual representation of the world or offer a specific perspective or event framing allowing the author of the text to establish a plane of mutual understanding with the reader, strengthening the in-group ties and in this way increasing the persuasive power of the text (the other function).

The present paper is a report on work in progress and aims at identifying the prevalent discourse metaphors of the period. Against this background a case study of the articles on the assassination of Olof Palme will be conducted to show how the established discourse practice is difficult to overcome, so that discourse participants seem unable to break off from the widespread patterns and to select expressions (and metaphors) which may seem more appropriate to the task at hand. As one of the rampant metaphors of the period draws on the domain of war, the words identified in the qualitative analysis as potentially representing the mappings will be used in a simple frequency search of war reports to assess the extent to which they may contribute to the structuring of the source model.

  1. The data and method

The data for analysis comes from Trybuna Ludu, the newspaper considered an organ of the Polish United Workers’ Party promoting the views of the hegemon of the Polish political scene of the 1980s. The newspaper consisted on average of 8 pages on weekdays and 10 on weekends. Three issues (Thu Jan. 2nd 1986, Sat Feb. 2nd 1986, and Mon March 3rd 1986) were selected for close reading in order to establish the dominant imagery of the time. The selection of the issues was random, but two of the issues proved to be quite specific. The Jan. 2nd 1986 issue contained the New Year addresses of General Wojciech Jaruzelski and First Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev, both of which represent blatant examples of meaning construction in political speeches (cf. Charteris-Black 2005, Chilton and Lakoff ). Koller (2003: 120) points out that in media discourse it is difficult to draw a clear line between “the secondary discourse of journalism and the primary discourse on which journalists report and comment”. The two articles indicated above are political speeches published in a newspaper, so in this sense they are primary discourse. It is not transparent, though, whether they were published in full, or edited. The issue of March 3rd devotes much space to the assassination of Olof Palme, the Swedish Prime Minister. We will take a closer look at these two topics.

In the second part of the paper one particular source domain, that of conflict, is singled out for further analysis, in which war reports collected in two purpose-built corpora, consisting of all the articles published in TL on the Falkland war and all the articles published on the American air raid of Libya (see Table 1 for details) were used to contrast the frequency of the war-related vocabulary in discourse on war and in discourses on other topics.

Table 1. The characteristics of war reports corpora


Time span

Number of texts

Word count

The Falkland war

3-4 IV 1982 – 17VI 1982, 10 XI 1982



The air raid of Libya

12-13 IV 1986 – 10-11 V 1986



  1. The predominant imagery in the three issues of Trybuna Ludu

One of the major sources of figurative conceptualisations used in this period was based on journey as the source domain. The key words frequently re-occurring in discourse were droga ‘the way’, krok ‘step’, marsz ‘march’, iść ‘walk’, kroczyć ‘to stride’, dążyć ‘to strive’, przyspieszać ‘to accelerate’, tor ‘trajectory or path’, torować ‘to clear (the way)’, perspektywa ‘perspective’ (though this arguably does not need to be a core element of the journey domain; however, when contextually supported by other journey words it seems to reinforce the image). Their use is illustrated in the examples (1) – (5):

(1) w poszukiwaniu pokojowych dróg ‘in search of peaceful ways’

(2) Jestem przekonany, że uczynimy dalszy krok do przodu. ‘I am convinced that we will make another step forward.’

(3) by nadal nieugięcie kroczyć drogą doskonalenia społeczeństw, w których żyjemy ‘so that we could continue steadfastly on the way (road) to improve societies, in which we live’

(4) w dziedzinie przyspieszenia społeczno-gospodarczego rozwoju kraju ‘in the domain of the socio-economic acceleration of the country’

(5) by w zgodnej twórczej atmosferze iść do nowych sukcesów ‘in order to go for new successes in the atmosphere of mutual understanding and creativity’

(6) pierwsi torujemy nieprzetartą drogę do nowego społeczeństwa, kroczymy nią godnie i nieugięcie! ‘we are the first to pave the way for a new society, we stride on it proudly and steadfastly!’

This wording creates an image of a united group of people striving at the beginning of a new journey, searching for new roads, clearing the paths, where the goal of the endeavours, reinforced later by another metaphorical cluster focusing on burden, is a good life for the future generations.

Some of the lexical items, however, clearly point to the temporary difficulties the travellers to the better tomorrow may encounter on their way, as indicated by such words as bariery ‘barriers’ or kuleć ‘to limp’; but these obstacles can be overcome, see examples (7) and (8):

(7) … proszek do prania, którego dostawy na rynek kuleją już od dłuższego czasu. ‘washing powder, the supply of which has been floundering (lit. limping) for quite some time’

(8) dzięki wysiłkowi stoczniowców szereg barier udało się pokonać ‘thanks to the efforts of the shipyard workers a series of barriers have been overcome’

Occasionally the metaphor was creatively elaborated by the journalists, who explored the possibilities of employing less trite formulas, as in (9) below:

  1. Powinniśmy dążyć do tego, żeby zarabiać więcej. (…) Ale dążyć uczciwie (…) Nie szukać obejść, bocznych ścieżek… ‘We should strive to earn more. But we should strive for it in an honest way. We should not look for back roads…’

Although the journey metaphor permeates all the texts on economy, politics and social issues it seems particularly resonant in Mikhail Gorbachev’s speech, which is constructed around two conceptual source domains: journey and trade, as evident in example (10) below:

  1. Nie będziemy mogli osiągnąć tego celu, jeśli nie zaczniemy gromadzić krok po kroku najcenniejszego kapitału – zaufania między narodami i państwami. ‘We won’t be able to achieve this aim, if we don’t start, step by step, to gather the most precious capital – that of the trust between countries and nations.’

The journey metaphor has received a lot of attention in Cognitive Metaphor Theory (starting with Lakoff and Johnson 1980 life is journey, and lower in the inheritance hierarchy love is journey, argument is journey, etc.). In American culture the core of the licensing story1 for the metaphor seems to be a goal-oriented purposeful motion. While in the Soviet (as represented by Gorbachev’s speech) and Polish discourses the focus was on the strain the journey requires, while the aim of the journey was not within the reach of the present generation. Such framing construed striving rather than achieving as virtuous.

These two metaphors are further reinforced by two other domains, that of burden and building:

  1. Weźmy na siebie zadania położenia kresu ciążącej nad ludzkością groźbie. Nie będziemy przenosić tej sprawy na barki naszych dzieci. ‘Let’s take upon ourselves the task of putting an end to the threat which burdens the humanity. Let’s not leave [lit. transfer] that on our children’s shoulders’.

  2. życzymy im dalszych sukcesów w budowie nowego życia ‘we wish them further success in the building of the new life’.

This intricate interaction between a number of source domains is possible through the grounding concepts implicated in all of them, namely time, space, force and thing. Time and space are inherent in both travelling and building, thing is most pronounced in the conceptualisation of trade, burden and building, but perhaps also in journey, in particular when it comes to the obstacles2; finally, force seems to conceptually underlie all action. The fact that these primary metaphors serve as building blocks for other metaphors enhances discourse cohesion, even if the source domains vary.

General Jaruzelski’s speech also employs journey metaphors and refers to such sources as burden, building, illness and war. With the exception of journey, which is used thrice, each metaphor is used only once. It is therefore difficult to posit that they are discourse structuring metaphors. However, it seems to me that because they remain salient in the general propagandist discourse of the era (see examples above) and despite the fact that they are completely worn off and extremely fossilised, in my opinion, they are still capable of arousing emotions in the reader. Especially the burden metaphor used in the highly emotional context of post World War II Polish-Ukrainian conflict activating the self vs. the other identity constructing frame seems to contribute to the intensity of the speech and may be used as an in-group bonding device (example (13)):

  1. wciąż odczuwam ciężar i dramatyzm tamtego dnia (…) Właśnie 31 grudnia 1945r. jako oficer 5 Pułku Piechoty uczestniczyłem w akcji bojowej przeciwko bandzie UPA ‘I still feel the burden and the drama of that day (…) Precisly on Dec. 31 1945 as an officer of the 5th Infantry Regiment, I took part in a military action against a band of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army’.

The illness metaphor is used in the classical function described by Schön (1993); consequently, the categorisation and labelling of the problem as illness suggests aggressive treatment as a solution:

  1. zamierzamy osiągnąć znaczny postęp w procesie – nazwę to – odrodzenia moralnego – a ściśle mówiąc likwidowania, oczyszczania, usuwania z naszego życia różnych chorobliwych narośli i deformacjipatologii … ‘we intend to achieve significant progress in the process of – let me call it – moral revival – or, to be more precise, of eliminating, cleansing and removing from our life various sickly tumours and deformationspathologies …’

The references to the gardening/farming domains, so prolific in the data from the British Labour Party Manifestos analysed by Charteris-Black (2004), in Jaruzelski’s speech are, to use Goatly’s (1997) term, dead and buried, although used twice in the formulaic expressions jałowy pesymizm ‘futile (lit. infertile) pessimism’, owocna praca ‘fruitful work’.

A survey of the remaining texts in the three issues of TL extends the pool of commonly used metaphors over such domains as family (15)-(16), lesson (17) and natural phenomena (18):

  1. bratni zakład ‘sister (lit. fraternal) factory’

  2. zgodną rodzinę narodów naszej wielkiej ojczyzny ‘a harmonious family of nations of our great fatherland’ [Gorbachev about the Soviet Union]

  3. te negatywne doświadczenia muszą uczyć jak inwestować z pożytkiem dla kraju ‘these negative experiences must teach us how to invest for the country’s benefit’

  4. klimat międynarodowy ‘international climate’, zgodna, twórcza atmosfera ‘an atmosphere of mutual understanding and creativity’

Although today some of them may sound amusing to the nostalgic readers, at the time, it seems to me, they were mostly inactive.

The excerpt in (19) is an instance of an actively elaborated discourse structuring metaphor:

  1. w erze nuklearnej wszyscy ludzie znajdują się na tym samym statku. Kołysanie nim poprzez awantury wojenne jest rzeczą skrajnie niebezpieczną. ‘In the nuclear era all people are on the same boat. Rocking the boat through war incidents (lit. brawls) is extremely dangerous.’

Here, the use of the word kołysanie ‘rocking’ constitutes the elaboration, the use of statek ‘boat’ alone would be rather stale. The image refers to the common cultural concept of the nation/state is a boat conceptual metaphor, which in Polish culture finds its prototypical realisation in the parliamentary sermons of the Jesuit preacher Piotr Skarga (16/17th c.), whose highly complex and detailed image of najmilszy okręt ojczyzny naszej ‘the beloved vessel of our fatherland’ is covered as a part of school curriculum. Piotr Skarga is also depicted in a painting by another nation-building person in the Polish history – the painter Jan Matejko (19th c). I cannot claim that most readers make the intertextual connection, but many probably do, as it is an important part of the Polish national identity building discourse.

The second, after journey, most widespread source domain for the construction of discourse is that of war or conflict. It appears in relation to all the usual targets identified in other studies (see for instance Frankowska (1994) and Majkowska – Satkiewicz (1999)), i.e. politics, economy and sport. The illustrative phrases for each domain are represented in (20), (21) and (22) respectively:

  1. weterani walki i pracy ‘war (lit. fight) and labour veterans’, w obronie pokoju i odprężenia ‘in the defence of peace and détente’, walka o pokój i postęp społeczny fight for peace and social progress’, konfrontacja polityczna ‘political confrontation’, bojownik o pokój ‘a fighter for peace’, agresywnyaggressive’, wróg/wrogi enemy N/A

  2. dla Hiszpanii i Portugalii udział w EWG jest równoznaczny ze śmiertelną walką na własnych rynkach wewnętrznych z potężniejszymi konkurentami z Francji, Anglii … ‘for Spain and Portugal joining the EEC is tantamount to a mortal combat on their own internal markets with more powerful competitors from France, England …’

  3. pokonać ‘defeat’, atakować ‘to attack’, front ‘front’, walka/walczyć ‘fight V/N’, pojedynek ‘duel’

The examples in (20) point to what I consider a weakness of CMT. That is, although it is common to posit the underlying conceptual metaphor politics is war for such lexical realisations, I wonder what kind of general implications such a claim has. Is this metaphor psychologically real to the majority of text readers? Or to an ideal native speaker? Or to a linguist trained in CMT?

Is it the case that every use of these words activates both domains? Or can they only potentially do so, for instance when an elaboration of the metaphorical scenario, in the sense of Musolff (2004), takes place? If so, what is the synchronic value of positing conceptual metaphor for the inactive uses?

If positing the underlying conceptual metaphor for the fossilised uses has mostly diachronic value, is it really the case that the extension of meaning resulted from metaphoric mappings? Could it also have been a reorganisation of standard (in the Langackerian meaning of the term) for categorisation?

Categorisation as such is another related problem, as the concepts of ‘politics’ and ‘war’ can interact in a number of different ways, so that one use of the lexical item war may refer to the profile in which ‘war’ is ‘a kind of’3 ‘politics’, as in Clausewitzian famous saying or, in another use, can be seen as remaining in opposition to ‘politics’, when ‘politics’ is taken to mean ‘diplomacy’4.

All these doubts suggest that the term ‘conceptual metaphor’ seems to the present author to be used in a variety of incompatible senses, resulting from the lack of distinction between the (prototypically) synchronic and the (prototypically) diachronic uses of the term. That is, in live metaphor it seems psychologically plausible to claim that some connection is active between the nods of the meaning network standing for access points to different domains. In dead metaphor, however, it does not seem reasonable to claim that such connection exists in the minds (or brains) of the language users. They can certainly be constructed anew on the basis of form uniformity of lexical expressions. That is to say that even if the different senses of one lexical item are stored separately in the mental lexicon and are no longer connected by metaphoric mapping, the very fact that they have the same lexical representation can contribute to their co-activation. The metaphorical connections can also be reconstructed in etymological studies, but their psychological status must be very different to those which are re-awakened by elaboration and visualisation5.

Unlike in the conflict imagery in the domain of politics, the metaphoricity of the use of śmiertelna walka ‘mortal combat’ in (21) seems to me to be quite salient, or at least its perlocutionary effect involves emotional arousal. It may result, though, from the combination of both words, as śmiertelny is a high intensity, emotionally loaded word.

Only half a page of the weekday TL was devoted to sport, so that the data for this domain is really restricted. Even so, an interesting case of ambiguous use of the word walka ‘fight’ could be identified:

  1. [about boxing] nie wszyscy walczyli na dobrym poziomie ‘not everyone put up a good fight’

When this phrase is used in the context of a boxing competition it may refer to the literal meaning of fight, in the sense of dealing blows to the opponent, as well as to a more abstract, psychological drive on the part of the sportsmen to compete. This expression clearly blurs the boundaries between the metaphorical and literal. Alternatively, it could be analysed as a topic-triggered metaphor6. There are more cases like this, especially under the umbrella of the politics is war metaphor, in which the literal and the metaphoric meaning seem to be conflated, consider (24):

  1. Przy omawianiu aktualnych problemów międzynarodowych podkreślano stanowczą wolę Polski i ZSRR prowadzenia – wespół z innymi państwami-stronami Układu Warszawskiego – aktywnej walki o radykalne uzdrowienie sytuacji w Europie… ‘When the present international problems were mentioned, the firm resolution of Poland and the Soviet Union – and other countries-members of the Warsaw Pact was emphasised – to fight actively7 for a radical treatment of the situation in Europe…’

Here, both the domain of war and that of illness ( active fight and radical treatment of Europe’s ailments) are invoked. The use of aktywna walka ‘active fight’ in the context of a military organisation, such as the Warsaw Pact, is particularly interesting. It is difficult to say if the intention of the author of the text was to explore the ambiguity of reference between diplomatic and military action, or was he/she just succumbing to the dominant discourse practice. Such uses, I believe, conflate the two domains in the reader’s conceptualisations and may lead to a situation, where the transition from peaceful means to Clausewitzian ‘other means’ ceases to be a discrete qualitative change, and becomes an imperceptible shift of emphasis.

The above analysis has set the background of the dominant discourse of the period. Below I conduct a case study, in which the metaphor source prevails as if against the idea represented by the target, creating an impression that aptness of metaphor can be secondary to its popularity.

In the issue of March 3rd, 1986 a number of articles were devoted to the assassination of Olof Palme. It is interesting to investigate just one aspect of the way he was represented in the news; see examples (25)-(27):

  1. bojownik o pokój [Olof Palme] ‘a fighter for peace’ (4x)8

  2. … polityk, który oddał życie ideałom walki o pokój i sprawiedliwość ‘the politician, who devoted his life to the ideals of a fight for peace and justice.’ (6x)

  3. Palme umarł w wierności swemu demokratycznemu ideałowi, którego zawsze energicznie bronił. ‘Palme died loyal to his democratic ideal, the ideal he has always vigorously defended.’ [attributed to the Belgian Prime Minister] (1x)

The prevalent image offered in the paper is that of war (bojownik ‘fighter’, walka ‘fight’, bronić ‘to defend’), which is particularly ironic in the context of Olof Palme’s efforts to promote peace. The slightly paradoxical walka o pokój ‘war for peace’ indicates how powerful the notion of conflict underlying the discourse of the time was. Some discourse participants, however, were able to overcome the dominance of this framing, as shown in (28)-(30) below:

  1. aktywnie angażujący się w sprawy pokoju i odprężenia ‘actively engaged in the matters of peace and détente’ (3x)

  2. niestrudzony orędownik sprawy pokoju i rozbrojenia ‘an unremitting advocate of peace and disarmament’ (1x)

  3. Premier Ghandi (…) określa swego partnera jako człowieka pokoju, który poświęcił się dziełu tworzenia bezpieczniejszego i lepszego świata. ‘Prime Minister Ghandi (…) describes his partner as a man of peace, devoted to the creating of a safer and better world.’ (1x)

In this way, it seems to me, the more language conscious speakers were able to suggest a more appropriate image of the politician. They did that by resorting to a more general wording (‘engaged in the matters of peace’, ‘a man of peace’) or to a legal metaphor (‘and advocate of peace’).

  1. A frequency analysis of war vocabulary

The qualitative overview of metaphors used in the journalist discourse of the period helped to identify the words which I believe may trigger an access to the domain of war as a reference for imagery employed in texts on other issues. The words identified in the qualitative analysis are: atakować ‘to attack’, atak ‘an attack’, agresywny ‘aggressive’, (o)bronić ‘to defend’, obrona ‘defense’, walka ‘a fight’, walczyć ‘to fight’, wróg/wrogi ‘enemy N/A’, śmiertelny ‘deadly’, konfrontacja ‘confrontation’, przeciwnik ‘opponent’, front ‘front’, batalia ‘campaign’, bojownik ‘fighter’, pokonać ‘defeat’, weteran ‘veteran’, pojedynek ‘duel’, rykoszet ‘rebound’.

For the combined corpus of the Falkland and the Libya reports consisting of 66, 442 words, the raw frequencies of the words in question are presented in Table 2.

Table 2. The frequencies of ‘war’ vocabulary in war reports

search form

raw freq.

  1. *atak*‘attack’


  1. *bron* ‘defense’


  1. agres* ‘aggression’


  1. wal{k,c}* ‘fight’


  1. wr{o,ó}g* ‘enemy’


  1. śmier* ‘death’


  1. konfrontacj* ‘confrontation’


  1. przeciwnik* ‘enemy’


  1. front* ‘front’


  1. batal* ‘campaign’


  1. bojown* ‘fighter’


  1. pokona* ‘defeat’


  1. weteran* ‘veteran’


  1. pojedyn* ‘duel’


  1. rykoszet* ‘rebound’


As Polish is a highly inflectional language the search forms had to include wild cards [*], so that all the different word forms would come up in the search. As the corpus is not annotated for part of speech, such searches gave only general results, disregarding the possible subdivision of forms into nouns, verbs and adjectives. If, however, we believe that lexical items are linked to their senses or lexical concepts in the Langackerian meaning-form dyad, and that lexical concepts constitute access points to larger cognitive networks, then searching for stem morphemes is as revealing as searching for every part of speech separately, if the purpose of the search is to establish the saliency, understood as based on frequency of occurrence, of these words in the war frame.

The words in Table 2 are listed by decreasing frequency. The words 1-9 can be considered as relatively salient, while 10-15 are evidently not. It is interesting to note that in these two particular corpora the word pokonać ‘to defend’ appeared only once. The fact that the word batalia ‘campaign’ turned up only twice is not surprising, as it is a highly poetically marked word, now archaic; if used, it instantly activates the ‘glorious war myth’. The 0 frequency of weteran ‘veteran’ could be expected, as the reporting concerned the wars in progress, which extended over too short a period of time to produce veterans already. When it comes to pojedynek ‘duel’ and rykoszet ‘rebound’ their appearance in war reports of contemporary warfare is not unthinkable, as for example dogfights can be referred to in Polish as pojedynek w powietrzu ‘an air duel’, but did not take place in the data investigated.

The quantitative analysis indicates that words (10)-(15) are too rare, or absent in the analysed war reports to contribute significantly to the image of war created in this type of discourse. If they are considered possible evidence for the underlying conceptual metaphor of X is war structure, then their position in the conceptualisation of war must be based on texts other than news reports, for example history textbooks or literature.

  1. Conclusion

A qualitative analysis of the three issues of Trybuna Ludu (Thu Jan. 2nd 1986, Sat Feb. 2nd 1986, Mon March 3rd 1986) reveals that the two most prevalent images of the period were journey and war. The journey metaphor was often mixed and supported by metaphors of burden and building. Unlike in the American scenario for journey, the Polish scenario seems to focus on toil and travail, so that a society trapped in this metaphor’s construal of the world is expected to endure any hardships they may be faced with. war metaphors overlap with journey as they require the same capacity for perseverance in fighting for and defending some abstract values, but not necessarily winning the conflict. In my opinion such metaphoric construal of the world discouraged any active attempts at changing it. The war metaphor was so strong, that even in the reporting of the assassination of Olof Palme, the ‘man of peace’, as Ghandi put it, the predominant metaphors were the military ones.

The words singled out in the qualitative analysis of the three issues of TL as possibly triggering war imagery were searched for in the corpus of the TL war reports mentioned above. The searches showed that not all words assumed to constitute the semantic field of war had any meaningful frequency in war reports. Clearly, if they indeed activate the war schema, their power to do so comes from the associations created on the basis of texts other than war reports, provided that the reports selected for the quantitative search can be considered representative of the genre.


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Szwedek, Aleksander. In press. An alternative theory of metaphorisation. In Fabiszak Małgorzata (ed.) Language and meaning from a cognitive and functional perspective. Frankfurt am Mein: Peter Lang.

1 Eubanks (1999) claims that metaphors and their licensing stories both constitute and are constituted by a given culture and have an ideological perspective.

2 On the status of thing as a generic term, the conceptual basis of categorisation and understanding of all experience (a theory stemming from Kotarbiński’s reism) is developed by Szwedek (2000, 2005 and in press).

3 Cruse’s (1986) ‘kind-of’ test for category inclusion.

4 The problem is investigated in more detail in Fabiszak (In preparation).

5 I owe the last two possibilities to Veronika Koller, p.c.

6 I would like to thank Veronika Koller for this suggestion.

7 The Source Language text has an NP not a VP in this position.

8 The number in the brackets shows how many times the underlined phrase appeared in the corpus of 2,277 words that comprised all the articles related to the assassination published in TL on March 3rd 1986.

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